Carlos Salinas de Gortari

The 60th president of Mexico . The Minister of Planning and Budget also served.

He was born in Mexico City , the son of Raul Salinas Lozano, former Minister of Economy. In 1951, when he was 3 years old, he shot and killed Manuela, who was working as her maid, at her house.

He studied economics at the National Autonomous University of Mexico . During this time, he was active as a youth member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, and at the same time he was riding horseback. Based on this, he participated as a national representative in the 1971 Pan American Games .

In the 1970s, he studied abroad at Harvard University in the United States . Having a father who worked as a bureaucrat and studying abroad in the United States is considered unique in many ways in Mexico, and Salinas was one of those people.

With this background, Salinas was recognized as a talented person and was considered a so-called technico, meaning technocrats. He began his full-fledged political activities in 1982 when he was appointed Minister of Broadcasting and Budget by the newly inaugurated Miguel de la Madrid . He was only 34 years old at the time, and becoming a minister at this age was not an easy task. This shows that he was a very talented person.

However, this experience was not so good. Salinas had never been a member of parliament, which was one of his biggest weaknesses as the future president. In the first place, in the political world, conflicts, criticisms, and offensives are common, and no matter how good you are, enemies are inevitable. People with experience in the hospital are familiar with it, so they tend to know how to deal with it. However, Salinas, who had a strong bureaucratic tendency, was not accustomed to this, and this became one of the causes of various problems even after he became president.

If you have experience in the park, you will not only be used to such things, but you also have a lesson in the parliamentary lawmakers for at least four years. Regardless of the party's regime, the atmosphere is quite different in the audience of the Ministerial Candidate, who is a member of the National Assembly, and the hearing atmosphere of the general candidate hearing. In fact, as they talk about face -to -face throughout their term, they get used to their own negotiations and negotiate a lot of connections.

On October 5, 1987, he resigned from his position as minister to run for the next presidential election. He immediately entered the primary and was elected as the institutional revolutionary party's presidential candidate. Although he was only 40 years old, that did not mean he was the youngest president. This is because Lazaro Cárdenas , who had previously served as president, took office at the age of 39. In any case, since the Institutional Revolutionary Party was a one-party monopoly system at the time, there was a strong feeling at first that Salinas would easily win.

However, in the 1980s, as the Institutional Revolutionary Party veered to the right, progressive/leftist figures who opposed it withdrew from the party and founded the People's Democratic Front , and the situation went uneasy. In fact, in the 1982 presidential election, the candidate of the National Action Party, Pablo Emilio Madero, received more than 15% of the vote for the first time, showing signs of insecurity, even if it was a slight one. However, this time, as the factions that broke away from the Institutional Revolutionary Party rapidly swelled up, voices began to emerge that even a majority, let alone 60%, would be impossible.

In addition, when the National Democratic Front elected Lazaro's son, Cuauhtemoc Cardenas, as its candidate, a situation in which the outcome could not be guaranteed occurred. Salinas, who was a pure bureaucrat with no experience in the parliament, had many disadvantages compared to Cuauhtemoc, who was a former senator and governor of Michoacan and had rich administrative experience. Because of this, the presidential election flowed in thin ice.

As a result of the vote, Salinas was immediately elected president with 50.7% of the vote, while Cuauhtemoc only received 31.1% of the vote. However, this election had many problems. In the early ballot counting, Cuauhtemoc showed an advantage, and this momentum continued until the middle of the ballot counting. The candidate was confirmed elected with just over 50% of the vote. Later, the then president of Madrid published his autobiography, admitting that the election was fraudulent and that all ballots used at the time were burned in 1991.

Although they won through fraudulent elections, the fact that the opposition candidate had the upper hand until the beginning of the ballot counting was a huge thing in Mexico, and the fraudulent election suffered enormous aftereffects. Also, even if he won through fraudulent elections, the opposition party took 238 out of 500 members of the House of Representatives, so he had to pay attention to the opposition unlike the previous president. As this led to electoral reform later, it served as an opportunity for the power of the opposition to expand.

At the beginning of his term, Salinas was an economic expert who received enthusiastic support, almost like a national treasure. He had pledged to conclude the NAFTA agreement with the United States before the election, and based on this, he officially concluded the FTA with the United States on January 1, 1994, at the end of his term. However, this ended up being poisonous to his regime. Protests against the NAFTA agreement took place nationwide, and the Salinas regime suddenly became a lame duck. From the beginning, the Salinas regime was very weak in legitimacy, having been elected with a chin-up majority, and in this situation, he made a huge mistake, so it was only a matter of time before the regime collapsed.

It also privatized numerous Mexican state -owned companies. At that time, state -owned companies were severely inefficiency and competitive retreat from bureaucracy, over -employment, and authenticism, and additionally, inflation problems were caused by subsidies paid to them. Until the 1970s, it was possible to cover these problems, but in the 1980s, when structural problems and low oil prices were intensified, the instep of the footsteps had fallen. As a result, the former Madrid government began to sell, liquidate, and merge the state -owned companies of state -owned companies to the private sector in earnest. As a result, the number of state -owned companies, which reached 1,100 in 1982, decreased to 200 in 1994. The most important economic sector among the sold companies was financial communication. Carlos Slim , once the world's richest man, was sold in 1990, Salinas. At the time, he acquired a 20.4%stake in Telex with a consortium for $ 1,734 million, and since then, he has expanded his stake slightly with additional purchases. The Telex's wireless communication division has become the foundation of América Móvil, the largest telecommunications company in Latin America. In 2011, Slim took over 40%of other private owners and succeeded in completely dominating Telex.

The privatization of state -owned enterprises has a positive effect and a negative effect. The positive effects were relatively short -term sales ($ 18 billion), the summary of bad state -owned companies, improved fiscal soundness by reducing the burden of government subsidies, improving the quality of some industrial products and services, and increased productivity. For example, Telex, which was acquired by Slim, has been promoted infrastructure such as digitalization and automation, and since the early 1990s, telephone waiting time has been greatly reduced and the number of subscribers has increased. Negative effects are difficult for private entrepreneurs and investors who have acquired the company to profitability, making it difficult for low -income people to approach existing products and services.[2] In the opaque way, the company is sold at a low price to the wealthy, causing the gap between the rich and the poor, and the restructuring that occurred in the process of selling or organizing public corporations. In addition, unlike the original purpose of promoting competition, Telex, which was purchased by Slim, took control of 90%of the Mexican telecommunications market, which actually failed to induce competition and rather strengthened monopoly.

Salinas resigned in 1994 due to its restrictions on reappointment, but due to a national turmoil, Luis Donal, who was appointed as a successor, was assassinated by Colocio's assassination during the election campaign.[3] The urgent institutional revolutionary party elected Ernesto Sediyo , the chairman of Colocio's election, as a new presidential candidate, and succeeded in electing Cediyo by overlapping the Colocio incident, but failed to win for the first time. And the institutional revolutionary party began to collapse quickly.

First of all, the Institutional Revolutionary Party managed to extend the regime, but Salinas was eventually forced to exile abroad as the mistakes he made at the time of his administration got in the way.

He returned to Korea as the Zedillo regime entered its final phase, but this was to publish a newly published book. In addition, while criticizing Zedillo through his book, he was criticized for saying that he was still out of his mind because of the nuance that he did well.

And in 2000 , when Vicente Fox of the National Action Party came to power, the 72-year-old Institutional Revolutionary Party regime collapsed miserably.

He acquired Spanish nationality in 2021 and recently lived in Madrid .[4] In June 2022, a photo taken with a chef at a Mexican restaurant in Madrid was posted on Instagram, which appeared in the public in a few years. #

A month later, Luis Echeveria died at the age of 100, making him the longest-serving former Mexican president. However, it is not the oldest among them. The oldest is Vicente Fox, born in 1942.

He is criticizing the two current and former presidents, Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Claudia Sheinbaum, at every opportunity. Obrador was in trouble when he was mayor of Mexico City in 2004 when a video of several of his associates receiving bribes was released, and Salinas was implicated in the case. The damage to his image from this incident was the cause of his loss in the 2006 presidential election.[5] Perhaps because of the resentment at this time, he attacked Salinas several times while he was in office. In 2024, when Salinas was mentioned at a press conference, Sheinbaum criticized him, saying he did not even want to be called president, citing the fact that he came to power through election fraud , the signing of NAFTA , and the privatization of public enterprises. Meanwhile, Salinas complained that it was difficult to make a living due to the abolition of the former president's pension, but Sheinbaum countered by asking if he could come to the country and apply for a welfare pension.

Coincidentally, the two men are the political successors of Cuauhtemoc Cárdenas , whom Salinas pushed out through rigged elections .